Some 'international' restaurants. Never been there, never going to. Not interested. Only interested in chomas! Yeah !!

Yo man. Isn't it colourful ? That's the pic of Che Guevara on the extreme right. He's an admired, controversial but significant figure in history - so says Wikipedia. I didn't know who he was until I heard the Levellers song 'beautiful day' in which they mention him. It was when I was at uni and I asked someone who is Guevara and they looked at me strangely and asked in a hushed tone, "don't you know?" LOL...well for those who don't know check out the link (the end bit 'Legend is interesting) :

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Che_Guevara

 Kids peering into a pub - God protect them from such influences..

Banners....Nyota ndogo a local musician is on them. I love her songs. She's a coast girl. One of my fav song is 'Mambo Kombo' where she talks about pride and money and downfall. Her choice of words is very good, the message comes through loud and clear.. Oh look Nameless is on there as well - his famous song 'Sinzia' is a tad too vulgar but I liked the lyrics - "if only I could be your body lotion, I would walk with undivided devotion". Here's the youtube link : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J5ZJziZ4m5k And here's the link for Nyota Ndogo, strangely there is no Mambo Kombo : http://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=nyota+ndogo&search_type

Hmmm....how is this possible ?

This is for Shiko, don't have many lighthouse drive pics. Difficult as people really don't like being photographed. But I'll be posting what I have soon.

Even though it does not have a forward deployment base or a permanent location, the unfolding pirates saga in Somalia is an interesting way for AFRICOM to begin.

The Pentagon's African Command or AFRICOM got off to a shaky start. Most African countries declined to host it soon after it was inaugurated by President George W. Bush to secure US interests in Africa. AFRICOM is the newest military command of the United States.

As efforts to restore a functioning government in Somalia continue to flounder, there has been an increase in piracy in one of the world's busiest shipping regions. The United States, among other nations, has deployed both naval and Special Forces to the region in an effort to curtail criminal and terrorist activity.

The vessel that was recently seized has intelligence specialists concerned not only about the cargo but where the cargo was eventually headed to. After all this is one of the most violent regions in the whole world, The MV Faina is a container ship of Ukrainian registry captured within the last two weeks. Part of its cargo was 33 T-72 main battle tanks.

Now a guessing game has begun. The pirates have demanded over $20 million in ransom. There are reports that the tanks were headed to Mombasa, Kenya. The Kenyan Government has stated they purchased the armor from Russia. There have been reports that the Government of South Sudan (GOSS) had acquired the weapons. US intelligence believes that this is an effort to go around the arms embargo against Sudan.

Let us look at these three scenarios: First of all, the Sudanese Government. This would not be the first time the Russian Federation has attempted to break sanctions against Sudan. As a matter of fact the Russians have supported Sudan in the UN on more than one occasion. so this is plausible but, if it were so, the armor could have been unloaded at Port Sudan.

What about the claims of the Kenyan Government? Well the armor was headed to a Kenyan port. This could give the claims some form of legitimacy. There are still concerns regarding abuse in the Mt. Elgon region to the west of the country but, on the whole, peace and stability are increasing in Kenya.  Unless the armor is meant to defend the northern border with Somalia and/or Ethiopia.

This brings us to the Government of Southern Sudan. This is an autonomous region of Sudan that fought a long protracted insurgency against Khartoum. There is still a level of distrust towards Khartoum to this very day. Also in recent weeks there have been clashes with the LRA (Lord's Resistance Army) which is a Ugandan militia. The LRA was to have signed a Peace Deal with the Ugandan government after Southern Sudan negotiated a peace accord. When it came time to the signing ceremony, the LRA did not show.

With the armor being seized by pirates its possible that the tanks could end up being used in Somalia unless either ransom is paid or the vessel is liberated by naval elements that have surrounded the ship at this time.

********************************************
The Author publishes Confused Eagle on the Internet. It can be found at morganrights.tripod.com
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Fresh fruits and vegetables. A simple homely slow paced life here...

Taife Leo newspaper... Lugha yetu (our language), gazeti letu (our newspaper). In school, during Kiswahili lessons, our teacher would insist on us reading this paper and as difficult as it was because they use the very proper swahili, not like the slang we speak on the streets, it really did help...

Al-Samadeen Butchery - "nyamachomaland" !

Mtwapa Bridge

To the left of the Mtwapa bridge....it was a gorgeous day and look at the colour of the Indian ocean....simply beautiful. We have a big "boating colony" in Mombasa. Many like deep sea fishing.

To the right of the bridge

Mtwapa area - this is now outside the Mombasa Island...part of mainland Kenya

Small mosque in Mtwapa.....yay !

Club Lambada - very colourful. The word Lambada takes me back to the 1990s when the song came out and the whole world had lambada fever. The name Kaoma was on everybody's lips...

Pirates... nightclub at public beach. On Sundays and public holidays especially, a huge part of the Mombasa population flocks here to the beach. Look there are costumes for hire ! 

Pirates is quite a nice club, all sorts go there. Its one of the integral parts of the dating scene !! The few times I've gone (not to date ! but to enjoy the music), they've played nice songs. They do a mix of western, taarab, local, latin, indian.

Public beach is now beautiful at night as they have the orange street lights up on a nice long stretch of the beach. Its now romantic and free and not dark and scary as before..

“Some of those who had left their homes are refusing to return home because they fear retribution for their involvement in violence,” Raila claims.

Raila defended his call for amnesty for the hundreds of people arrested during post-election violence in Kenya in December 2007 and January this year. "The majority of people who just protested and demonstrated, we have said, should be released."

Raila made the statements to Radio France International (RFI) at the World Policy Conference last week. The conference was held in the town of Evian in Southern France. Heads of state and government were invited to the summit which Raila was given a chance to address.

Though the interview was held several days ago, there has been little discussion of Raila's remarks in Kenyan media in light of the delicate state of ethnic relations in the country. The statement that internally displaced people (IDPs) were involved in violence is likely to be received negatively by hundreds of thousands of people yet to return to their homes after three months of looting, killing and destruction early this year.

IDPs see themselves as victims of the violence, forced to abandon property and livelihoods they had toiled many years to build.

Ethnic tensions stoked by politicians erupted in violent clashes after disputed elections in December 2007. The top contenders for the presidency were Mwai Kibaki on the PNU party and Raila Odinga of ODM. As happens with most African countries, Kibaki was supported mostly by his Kikuyu ethnic group while Raila got most votes from his Luo tribe. Raila, had earlier formed an alliance with politicians from the Kalenjin tribe and the Kalenjin voted as a bloc for ODM.

Due to uncertainties over the actual winner of the December 27 poll, Kalenjin in the Rift Valley fought the Kikuyu, destroying property, homes, businesses and motor vehicles. Entire villages were razed to the ground. Hundreds of thousands of Kikuyu, Kisii and Kamba fled ODM strongholds in the Kalenjin and Luo heartlands in the Western part of Kenya.

The Kikuyu retaliated in the last week of January 2008, leading to the eviction of tens of thousands of Luo, Kalenjin and Luhya from areas in Central Kenya dominated by the Kikuyu, Kamba, Embu and Meru tribes.

Raila and ODM continually deny organizing the violence. In last week's interview with RFI, Raila rejected the idea that all those covered by the amnesty had been involved in violence, saying that much of the violence had been provoked by excessive police force.

By March 2008, at least 1,000 people were dead. Half a million were homeless and living in football fields, churches and schools across Kenya. A massive international aid operation was launched to feed the displaced.

Former United Nations Secretary General Koffi Annan led mediation efforts between Kibaki and Raila, resulting in a coalition government. Kibaki kept the Presidency while a new post of Prime Minister was created for Raila. However, ethnic tension remains high.

While Kibaki and his PNU party insist that everybody has a right to live and work anywhere in the republic, ODM members say that the Kikuyu should leave the Rift Valley. Riots were witnessed at the Coast after rumors circulated that Kikuyu settlers were planning to relocate there. ODM got a majority vote at the Coast.

Large numbers of IDPs are unable to return home because of continued threats from their former neighbors. Indeed, many who attempted to return have been attacked. The government is giving out Shs10,000 (US$138) to each family but the money is simply not enough to start life afresh.

Some of the refugees are pooling the money and buying land elsewhere. They have given up hope of ever returning to the Rift Valley.

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Whereas Mzee Jomo Kenyatta was a transitional leader, managing change from colonialism to African majority rule, Moi got into power when Kenya had become a truly African state. With time, Moi’s actions and policies came to resemble those of neighboring states from which Kenya had distinguished itself with its relatively sophisticated socio-economic and political structures.

Moi’s presidency was a contradiction of sorts: on one hand he craved the awe which Jomo Kenyatta got from the public. On the other hand, he wanted to be different from Kenyatta, by being more in touch with the average man in the village.

When he assumed the reigns of government, Moi started traveling in a Volkswagen Kombi, raising eyebrows. As it was argued, such types of conveyance are for ordinary folk, not for a President. However, Moi was determined to get his people. The Kombi was the only vehicle which could grapple with the country's difficult terrain - dusty roads, hairpin bends, precarious cliffs, unbeaten tracks.

One time, while on his way from Kisumu to Nakuru, Moi expressed the wish to use a short-cut from Sondu through Sigowet to Kericho town. His aides condemned the route as impassable. "Are there people living in the area where this road passes?" he asked and declared he had to tackle the road, passable or otherwise.

After ascending to the presidency on 14th October 1978, Moi pledged to maintain the stability that Kenya had enjoyed since independence. He sought to assure apprehensive citizens, investors and diplomats that he would follow the footsteps of Mzee Kenyatta. But it soon became clear that Moi had his own ideas for the country. Whereas Kenyatta practiced a hands-off style of leadership, Moi preferred hands-on management. He famously said, "Those who want to lead the country must wait their turn ... I am the President and every minister must sing like a parrot to my tune."

While emphasizing national unity, Moi laid great emphasis on the need for dynamism in a globalizing world. Moi can be credited for introducing changes that would have been virtually impossible under the Kenyatta era. Moi’s critics say his initiatives were expensive experiments culminating in failure. However, Moi’s critics are mostly Kenyattaists and had they been in power, the country would have petrified in stagnation. The fact that some of Moi’s programmes did not succeed could be attributed to sabotage by Kenyatta loyalists inherited by Moi’s administration.

As president, Moi’s first decision was to release political detainees from the Kenyatta era. These were politicians, academics, university students and journalists detained for criticizing Kenyatta’s government. Several of them had been in detention so long that they were in a critical condition requiring advanced medical treatment.

During Kenyatta’s presidency, the civil service, security forces and state corporations came to be dominated by members of Kenyatta’s tribe, the Kikuyu. This was not a deliberate policy on Kenyatta's part but a product of historical circumstances that placed the Kikuyu at an advantage in work skills and entrepreneurial ability. Moi set about creating ethnic balance in government organs by appointing more people from other communities. Eventually, Moi’s Kalenjin tribe dominated the civil service and this evoked resentment among other Kenyans.

Unlike Kenyatta’s appointees, Moi’s tribesmen had little training for their new jobs. Matters were worsened by Moi’s tendency of picking individuals from lowly positions, transforming them into overnight power brokers and later dumping them when they became too big-headed for their own usefulness. Because of this, Moi had neither permanent friends nor permanent enemies. He was loyal to nobody but himself - a true Machiavellian characteristic.

Moi’s most serious challenge was the coup attempt of 1st August 1982. The poorly planned coup attempt by junior officers of the Kenya Airforce was crushed by Army and paramilitary units within a matter of hours. However the coup is said to have awakened Moi to the risks of power and from that day onwards, he took on a higher measure of political self-preservation. After the coup attempt, the security forces were purged of Kenyattaists who were replaced by Moi loyalists. In subsequent elections, politicians whose allegiance was doubtful lost their seats through political machinations engineered by the President’s henchmen.

Between 1982 and the early 1990s, Moi was determined to keep a tab on the opposition and resorted to tactics varying from detention without trial, torture, electronic surveillance, intimidation and outright thuggery. There has never been any direct evidence personally linking Moi with any of these acts and its possible he was misinformed about threats to his administration.

Moi’s political maneuvres provoked a backlash against the ruling Kenya African National Union (KANU). Moi, eager to strengthen the party, had talked Parliament into enacting a constitutional amendment that made KANU the only legal political party. By the late 1980s there were demands for reintroducing multiparty democracy from the growing ranks of politicians seeking alternative avenues for contesting political office. Demands for multipartyism, coupled with pent-up frustration with Moi, led to riots in Kenya’s major towns in July 1990.

The riots were crushed; several dozen people lost their lives. International financiers and Western nations pressurized Moi to open up the political frontiers. Monetary assistance was scaled down – a devastating blow for a government that had 30% of its budget financed from foreign assistance. The international media went on a feeding frenzy and described Moi as a typical African dictator. In December 1991, Moi asked Parliament to amend the constitution and legalize opposition parties for the first time in ten years.

It would be another ten years before opposition parties could win power but only because Moi was no longer a candidate in the 2002 elections. Moi was unbeatable because his opponents often underestimated his intelligence by virtue of his rural-poor origins and heavily accented English.

Among the reasons Moi gave for opposing multipartyism was incitement to ethnic nationalism. Soon after the opposition was legalized, tribal clashes erupted in the Rift Valley and persist to this day. The clashes were sparked by Cabinet Ministers who declared the Rift Valley – Moi’s home province – out of bounds to the opposition. Ethnic groups thought to be sympathetic to the opposition were attacked by Moi’s Kalenjin tribe, houses burnt and farms forcefully occupied. The clashes caused major economic losses as property was destroyed, trading activities disrupted and agricultural production ruined.

Upon the re-introduction of multipartyism in 1992 until the close of his presidency in 2003, Moi stopped being development conscious. Moi devoted his time and energies exclusively to politics because of legalized competition for his job. Political intrigues intensified as politicians sought presidential patronage – and the cash that went with it. Financial scandals became routine in Moi’s government throughout the 1990s as his cronies devised means of acquiring wealth in the shortest possible time.

Moi turned state functions into full time campaign rallies and these were held, not only on weekends, but at anytime during the week. Cabinet ministers and members of parliament, eager to win the favor of the president, tagged along wherever he went. The result: possibly one of the longest Presidential motorcades of an African president. A typical motorcade accompanying Moi consisted of at least 50 limousines with cabinet ministers, heads of state corporations, security chiefs and several diplomats.

Among the notable successes of the Moi presidency was reform of the education system. By the early 1980s, a Canadian educationist said that education should stop producing white-collar graduates. The educationist said the future of labor was one of uncertainty, making it necessary to equip graduates with practical skills that are easily transferable across different work environments. Despite criticism, Moi went ahead and implemented the recommendations.

School children were introduced to home science, business education, agriculture, arts, crafts and music. In high schools, students were taught power mechanics, electricity, accounting, metal work, carpentry, social ethics and sex education. Today, education experts acknowledge the wisdom of imparting practical skills on children, in a world where retraining and career shifts has become the accepted norm.

During Moi’s presidency, thousands of schools sprang up across the country while four additional public universities were built to create a skilled work force.

Regardless of what is said about Daniel arap Moi, the former teacher, legislator, cabinet minister, President and Member of Parliament has left his mark not only on Kenyans but also in international affairs. He initiated peace efforts across Africa most of which were successful. These include Namibia's independence, Uganda's civil war negotiations that began the Yoweri Museveni era and the Southern Sudan peace process. Moi's advice was greatly sought by world leaders such as US President Ronald Reagan, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Chancellor Helmut Kohl of West Germany.

Moi's presidency began in 1978 with a promise to follow the footsteps of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta. It can be said that Moi fulfilled his ambition of becoming a defining standard. "President Moi has made his own footprints in the sands of time," said Mrs Thatcher.

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With references from Lee Njiru’s article: "The Making of a President." Kenya Times, December 11, 1997
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It began two weeks ago when a Ukrainian cargo ship carrying 33 Russian made T-72 tanks was hijacked by Somali pirates on its way to the Kenyan port of Mombasa. Initially, it was reported that the tanks and heavy artillery were destined for Southern Sudan.

Kenya’s government claimed the deadly cargo, saying it had bought it for the military. However, the pirates denied the assertions saying that the ship’s documents showed the owner of the cargo as the government of South Sudan. Southern Sudan military commanders and diplomats strenuously denied knowledge of the cargo.

Strangely enough, the United States Navy, which is surrounding the captured ship, has said that the tanks were going to Southern Sudan.

Kenyan officials had, in the meantime, produced documents proving that they ordered the weapons from Ukraine in a ‘government – government’ deal. Soon after, the Nation newspaper of Kenya published aerial photographs of a previous consignment of tanks being ferried to Southern Sudan on a train. This week, the BBC released documents proving the weapons did infact belong to Southern Sudan.

An official from a sailor’s union at the Mombasa port, who gave reporters details of previous weapon consignments to Southern Sudan, was last week arrested by Kenyan police and charged with possessing marijuana. He is currently awaiting trial.

Regardless of the truth, this saga makes Kenya’s government stink like a corpse. Denials, production of evidence and counter-evidence have created the impression that the government is confused. Neither President Mwai Kibaki nor Prime Minister Raila Odinga have spoken on the tanks.

If the tanks and ammunition really belong to Kenya, it shows a perverse sense of priorities. It means the government is spending billions of shillings on weapons while people displaced by political and ethnic clashes languish in desperation.

After the formation of the giant cabinet back in April, President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila launched an international appeal for Kshs31 billion (US$431 million) to assist in reconstructing homes, government facilities and businesses destroyed in the clashes. Obviously, Kenya’s leaders would rather buy guns than build schools, homes and hospitals.

If the tanks do not belong to Kenya’s military, as is widely believed, then Kenya is violating a United Nations arms embargo on Sudan. That would put Kenya in the pariah status of states accused of supplying weapons for killing and maiming defenceless civilians. With Southern Sudan in dire need of development assistance, the world must be wondering why Kenyan authorities are sending weapons there.

Its also scandalous that an arms shipment of this magnitude – regardless of ownership - did not have a Kenya Navy escort. The Somali coast is notorious for piracy and this year has seen pirate attacks double over last year’s count. The sea around Somalia is patrolled by NATO navies whose presence is tenuous at best. Piracy is a threat to Kenya's shipping and military analysts are wondering why the Kenyan Navy is out of action.

Kenya traditionally purchases arms from the Western bloc (NATO). If it is confirmed that the T-72 consignment belongs to Kenya, the purchase would mark a radical departure from previous trends. At the moment, Kenya is also buying second-hand jet fighters from the Kingdom of Jordan. At least that’s one consignment whose destination is not in doubt.

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Of course, most people would be scared at living in a country whose leadership has taken a leave of absence. For the political scientist, the unravelling of a state provides interesting study opportunities comparable to observing the birth of a state.

Most Kenyans are familiar with author George Orwell because of his book, "Animal Farm," widely used in English literature. Few Kenyans, however, have read the book, "1984," also by Orwell. 1984 was written in the 1940s, in the aftermath of World War 2 but many of the things Orwell predicted are becoming reality.

In his book, Orwell explains the four ways in which states collapse. The first, and most obvious, is an invasion by another state with greater military power. The second is when a ruling class governs so inefficiently that the masses are stirred to revolt. The third is when a ruler allows a strong and discontented middle class to come into being.

The fourth way in which a state can collapse, and which is relevant to Kenya, is when the ruling classes lose their own self confidence and willingness to govern. Ultimately the determining factor as to whether a state survives or collapses is the mental attitude of the ruling class itself.

Coming back (or is it down?) to our beloved country, we are very unlikely to be invaded by another state. Most of our neighbours have their own problems and such an invasion would not be recognized by the international community. Considering the conduct of our so-called leaders, the three other factors written by Orwell are cause for worry.

The Kenyan state is governed so inefficiently that its a wonder it has lasted so long. There are no priorities other than the short-term gratification of the political class. Billions of shillings are spent in propping up a bloated government filled with ethnic warlords whose academic qualifications are in doubt. Cabinet ministers appoint their poorly educated relatives and tribesfolk into positions that demand technical expertise. Not surprisingly, such appointees spend more time thinking of ways to earn money than in improving service delivery.

New districts are being created left, right and centre. Most of the new districts are created as personal fiefdoms for prominent families and powerful politicians. For example, Thika District for the Kenyatta family, Mbeere for the Nyagas, Vihiga for the Mudavadis, Bondo for the Odingas and Ijara for Defence Minister Yussuf Haji. Transmara was created for Sunkuli, Bomet for the late Kipkalya Kones and Mwingi for Kalonzo Musyoka.

By 1990, Kenya had 42 administrative districts. Today, the country's provincial administration does not know the exact number of districts but the figure is close to 200. While campaigning for a second term in 2007, President Kibaki created districts for almost every sub-tribe in Kenya. During the same campaigns, Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka promised to turn every constituency into a district.

The railway system, built by the British Empire a century ago, has all but collapsed after years of neglect. The education system suffers from under-investment in new facilities and teacher training. Kenya's cities are receiving less water today than was the case a decade ago. Electricity supply, which is normally erratic, has become extremely expensive.

Inefficient administration coupled with blatant opportunism has made Kenya's middle class greatly disenchanted. According to Orwell, this is a factor that could bring down the rotting edifice of Kenya's statehood. The middle class is made up of educated young and middle-aged citizens more interested in globalization than in the antics of tribal politics.

The middle class want Kenya to play its rightful role in the international community by contributing towards a technologically driven society with equal opportunities for every body. The values of individual rights, justice, democracy and liberty are of significant importance to the middle class, as indeed, they should be for everybody. As matters currently stand, Kenya in its present form is unlikely to make these achievements.

It is clear that Kenya's leadership is no longer confident about itself and has lost the willingness to govern. Quite frankly, we at the Nairobi Chronicle, confidently state that Kenya's leaders are an utter failure. The country is suffering from a vacuum in leadership - we live in a leadership desert. This statement is not meant to criticize Kibaki alone, but it applies across the entire spectrum of Kenya's political leaders. In all sincerity, who among the political chest-thumping classes can we trust with the task of achieving Vision 2030?

Is it Kibaki? What about Raila and Kalonzo? Can William Ruto, Martha Karua, Mudavadi, Balala or Mungatana do it? We don't think so and most Kenyans privately agree with us.

According to world standards, one of the signs of a failed state is infighting within the ruling classes. For this alone, Kenya has earned a right of place among the galaxy of failed states which include Somalia, Pakistan, Nigeria, Haiti, Sudan, among others. The formation of the Grand Coalition was a sign of failure. The Grand Coalition is driven by foreign powers because our Kenyan leaders wanted to sacrifice the country for selfish ends. A government driven by foreign diplomats is a clear indicator of non-existent leadership.

To paraphrase Nigerian writer Wole Soyinka (or was it Chinua Achebe?), the trouble with Kenya is first and foremost a failure in leadership. A country without an assertive leader is like a ship without a captain. Everybody does whatever they feel like doing. Decisions cannot be made in time and when action is finally taken, its usually irrelevant. Middlemen and conwomen emerge within government circles claiming to represent the ever-absent chief executive.

The Kenyan government reaction to the capture of 33 tanks by Somali pirates is a case in point. Nobody knows where the tanks were going. Kenya's military was caught unawares amidst infighting in the top command over promotions and recruitment. The US military based in Doha, Qatar, seems to have more information about the incident than our own government.

Kenya's ruling elite is largely composed of individuals who inherited power and wealth from departing British colonialists. In a bid to keep wealth within the family tree, there has been a great deal of political inheritance, with power handed down from father to son and mother to daughter. The rest of Kenyans are relegated to spectators and pawns in the power games of the rulers.

Its not clear when the Department of Defence placed an order for T-72 tanks from Russia. The Army has not explained how much it spent on the equipment, neither has it explained the role of the 33 tanks in Kenya's security strategy.

Apart from tanks, Somali pirates found tons of ammunition and auxiliary equipment within the ship, which they have threatened to offload for use in their country's civil war. The pirates are demanding US$35 million in ransom before they release the vessel and its cargo.

Typical of most African governments, Kenya's leaders are spending billions of dollars on security while ordinary people die of hunger, disease and poor shelter. Kenya ranks at the bottom of international social and economic indicators.

A growing population is putting pressure on neglected infrastructure. Public hospitals lack drugs as thousands of Kenyans perish each year on a road network broken to the point of tatters. Kenyan cities are going without fresh water due to lack of investment in water production.

The capital city of Nairobi is getting less water today than it was receiving a decade ago after a colonial era dam collapsed at Sasumua. The port city of Mombasa gets water from a supply system built by the British when the town's population was less than a third of current figures.

Lack of investment in electricity production has made Kenya's electricity tariffs the highest in Africa. Industries suffer from constant power blackouts which have undermined economic growth, leading to massive losses and job cuts.

Agricultural production in Kenya is far below demand. The country is producing less coffee, maize, tea, wheat, millet and everything else compared to twenty years ago. Sugar milling companies in Western Kenya, stuck with 19th century technology, are creaking out low quality sugar in significantly less quantities than when Kenya was a British colony.

Amidst all these, the Kenyan government has seen it fit to invest billions of shillings in military equipment. As stated earlier, if it wasn't for Somali pirates, majority of Kenyans would never have known that tanks were about to get imported into the country. But, lack of priority in government procurement appears to be the norm these days.

Its been announced that Kenya will spend about $23 million in the purchase of second-hand fighter jets from the Kingdom of Jordan. The F-5 fighter that the Kenyan Airforce is so fond of went out of production in 1989, meaning that the jets Kenya is buying are at least 19 years old. Kenya will also pay Jordan to train its pilots in using the junk aircraft.

Meanwhile, other branches of the security forces are on a shopping bonanza. Regular and Administration police have enhanced their recruitment drives to boost numbers. They are receiving modern equipment, weapons, 4-wheel drive trucks, uniforms and riot gear. Considering the conduct of police during the post-election violence, its obvious that this enhanced expenditure is not for the benefit of ordinary men and women.

The Kenya Police has just finished rehabilitating giant Russian-built helicopters fitted with night-vision equipment, gun detectors and communications technology. The helicopters will carry a team of quick response officers assisted by highly trained dogs.

Just this week, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights - a government body - blamed police for the execution of 500 Kikuyu youth and the disappearance of scores of others. According to survivors, the dead and the disappeared were all abducted by people identifying themselves as police officers. A man whose dramatic arrest in Nairobi was shown on the front page of the Daily Nation, was later found dead in the city mortuary.

For most Kenyans, the acquisition of helicopters, night vision equipment and vicious dogs can only portend doom as far as personal freedoms are concerned.

By purchasing bigger weapons to arm a greater number of police and soldiers, the Kenyan government is treading a path set by authorities in situations of high wealth inequality. Kenya is among the top three most unequal societies on earth.

On one hand there is an extremely wealthy minority whose standard of living can comfortably secure them a place among the world's rich and famous. On the opposite extreme is a majority of people without access to adequate food, housing, health care and education. These are people whose future is so bleak that the only options are crime, prostitution, alcoholism and violence.

Amidst this depressing scenario, authorities seek to preserve the status quo by unleashing greater surveillance of the disadvantaged majority. The objective is to make life safer and easier for the rich minority.

The fruits of economic growth are used to buy guns instead of building roads. Public funds are used to buy tanks instead of medicines for government hospitals. In an unequal society, the government will find it better to employ soldiers and police rather than employing doctors and teachers. Instead of facilitating constructive engagement between the rich and the poor, the system is designed to keep them apart.

Such trends have happened elsewhere and Kenya is blindly going down the same path. Unfortunately, that particular path usually ends up in self-destruction, for the human spirit cannot tolerate oppression forever.

The ship is called the ‘Faina’ and has a crew of 21 sailors from Russia, Ukraine and Latvia.

When the ship was nearing the Kenyan port of Mombasa, about 320 km from land, it was surrounded by three speed boats with armed Somali pirates on board.

The Somali coast is infested with pirates, with estimates suggesting that there are up to 1 000 pirates operating in the region. Pirates have seized some 25 vessels this year and attacked at least another 25, with 14 vessels still being held by pirates.

In my opinion it is high time, indeed beyond time, to crush the pirates of Somalia. According to reports there are now US and Russian warships patrolling the region. But more needs to be done, with a relentless campaign needed to remove the pirate problem.

Currently vessels are being held for ransoms that on most occasions are being paid. By paying the pirates, the pirate problem is only being encouraged. The pirates must be stopped – not only off Somalia, but in all areas in which they operate, including Nigeria, Aden, Indonesia, etc. Perhaps a force under the direction of the UN Security Council is what is required.

Ukraine's foreign ministry said the ship had a crew of 21. The tanks were ordered by the Southern Sudan government.

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Upon arriving at my new home, my supervisor and I were taken by my host father to inspect the field. Though I could not understand all that was being said, I caught his motioning to the distance, pointing to bare patches of earth surrounded by maize, and the word “Ndovu” – Elephant. The subject of my internship was self evident that day, and is still an all too common occurrence. That is, the human-elephant conflict.

My host father still sleeps outside at night, as well as many farmers in the community, watching for elephants. This despite the establishment of the Mwaluganje Elephant Sanctuary in 1994, aimed at reducing the conflict and increasing revenue to the community through tourism. Coupled with the post election violence that has caused a sharp decrease in tourism throughout the country, Mwaluganje is facing difficulty in both its primary goals. It has been my hope while I am here I can help to help alleviate these difficulties.

I first identified that Elephant Dung Paper Project could be enhanced as a way to raise revenue and awareness of the sanctuary. To accomplish this, I have worked on improving the quality of the paper, arranged for the art club of the local primary school to decorate the notebook covers, and have made an informative stamp to go along with the products. I hope then to market the paper products to tourist shops and hotels around Mombasa.

A project to address the more pressing issue of stopping the crop raids by elephants is also under development. As has been done in Southern Africa, chili peppers can be used to ward off elephants. By informing and assisting farmers in how to grow and use chili peppers, we hope to create a project sustained for and by the local farmers. An additional benefit to this is the prospect of developing the peppers into a cash crop for additional income.

One farmer, Hassan, tells his story, common to so many others in the community. While he sees the importance of the elephants, it is difficult for him to value them himself. He, as well, spends his nights in his field, keeping watch for elephants, hoping to scare them away before any destruction of his maize, and livelihood. When presented with the chili pepper proposal, he is very receptive and hopes it can one day benefit him.

I am glad to say that we have been finding similar support throughout the community and surrounding areas. We have been able to recruit the aid of the district’s agriculture technicians, the Kenyan Wildlife Service, Camp Kenya, and Laikipia (a wildlife reserve in central Kenya who initiated their own chili pepper project a few years ago). We have also recruited five willing farmers to participate in the trial phase of the project, who are eager to plant their own peppers and try the various ways to use them to ward off elephants.

And may one day the farmers of Mwaluganje get a good night’s sleep.

So, I’m working at the Community Health Department (CHD) of the Aga Khan Health Service on the campus of the Aga Khan Hospital in Mombasa. CHD is a small organization, just under 20 staff and..well..no budget! Quite a drastic change when you come from an organization with 12,000 staff and a $1.5 billion budget. I have to bring my own pens to work with me here. Like many other NGO’s we are solely dependent on grants for our funding, and unlike some other NGO’s under the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) we do not receive any type of funding from AKDN or the Aga Khan Foundation (AKF). While being independent of AKDN/AKF is a source of great pride, it is also comes with some risk. You see, CHD is currently wrapping up a major grant that has basically been sustaining the organization for the past 4 years. It was a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation to implement a Community Based Health Information System (CBHIS) in one of the poorest districts in Kenya – Kwale District. Basically, we want to modernize the system from paper to electronic while also providing a comparison for the health information that is collected at a higher level. CHD has done a lot, kinda like the little engine that could.

Complete at the source